Question

我需要的是文本文件with respect to the START of the FILE.中字符和段标记的偏移量假设这个词是“他的”，我需要在all the char offset (start,end)内......以及那些包含“他的”all the offset (start,end) ..的{{1}}中出现<DOC> <DOCID> NYT_ENG_20070702.0006.LDC2009T13 </DOCID> <DOCTYPE SOURCE="newswire"> NEWS STORY </DOCTYPE> <DATETIME> 2007-07-02 </DATETIME> <BODY> <HEADLINE> CENTRIST PLATFORMS OF NEW LATINO POLITICIANS INDICATE NEW ERE </HEADLINE> <TEXT> LOS ANGELES Almost three decades ago, a politically connected Hollywood restaurateur and her husband organized a massive rally to show Latino support for several Latino elected officials who had become the targets of negative news coverage. Then-Gov. Jerry Brown headlined the dinner of about 7,000 at the Los Angeles Convention Center on behalf of then-State Education Secretary Mario Obledo, who was battling allegations of ties to the Mexican Mafia, and Congressman Ed Roybal, who was the subject of a corruption scandal. Today, that Hollywood restaurateur continues to lobby for Latino issues and candidates, but she said she has no misgivings about the recent negative coverage of Southern California's top three Latino elected officials: Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, Sheriff Lee Baca and City Attorney Rocky Delgadillo. "It's a different era and different times," said Lucy Casado, a one-time commission appointee in the Brown administration whose late husband, Frank, was a co-founder of the state's largest Latino political organization, the Mexican American Political Association. What is different today, Casado and many other Latino-rights advocates say, is that Latinos are no longer a minority in many parts of California and there is growing recognition in the community that, increasingly, elected Latino officials are like almost all elected officials -- blessed with the same positives and cursed with the same shortcomings. "Antonio, Lee and Rocky are all experiencing the same public scrutiny that any elected official experiences," said Harry Pachon, executive director of the Tomas Rivera Policy Institute, a Latino think tank at the University of Southern California. "The controversy and criticism of them is from their actions as elected officials, not because of their role as ethnics." The three local leaders have grabbed the wrong kind of headlines during the past few weeks for various foibles and questionable decisions. Villaraigosa recently separated from his wife; Baca has come under fire for his handling of celebrity heiress Paris Hilton's jailing; and Delgadillo has taken it on the chin over a variety of issues involving his wife. Pachon and others also say the unique dichotomy of Latino reaction to their political troubles as elected officials -- and not as ethnic representatives -- also underscores the increasing sophistication of the growing Latino voter base. Casado points to a famous mural on the Latino Eastside of Los Angeles as a symbol of that change. Along Olympic Boulevard in Boyle Heights, the mural on a public housing project wall shows the fierce, hypnotic eyes of a Latino activist with flowing hair and a Che Guevara look beaming like headlights through a fog. Its message states simply, "We Are Not a Minority." Today, however, those symbolic eyes are looking upon a dramatically changed sociological and political landscape that bears little resemblance to what the mural's artist saw back in the 1970s. Call it Latino power. Call it the emergence of Mexican America. No longer are Latinos talking about attaining power in California, home to the nation's biggest Latino population. Now, the conversation focuses on what they should do with it. And the civil rights-obsessed, Latinos-as-victims rhetoric of the past is yielding to centrist platforms that spotlight education reform, children's health care and lower taxes. "The Latino agenda," as Villaraigosa puts it, "is the American agenda." In California, Latinos hold 1,163 elective offices statewide and account for almost 25percent of the 120 state Senate and Assembly members, according to the National Association of Latino Elected Officials. Those figures have more than quadrupled in the past decade, even though Latinos account for fewer than one in four voters statewide. Eight of the state's 53 congressional representatives are Latino. In 29 of those districts, the Latino population is 100,000 or more, so there is anticipation of even greater Latino representation, especially since they are projected to account for 40percent of the state's population by 2015. Eighty-five percent of California's Latinos are Mexican-Americans or Mexican immigrants. Pachon said the state Governor's Office and the U.S. Senate are within reach of Latinos in 10 years. "It's truer today than ever," he said, "and there are any number of candidates who could potentially rise to that. Of course, there's Antonio and (Assembly Speaker) Fabian (Nuñez), but there are others coming up as well." "Obviously, we're in a better position today because we have the electability here and our populations are growing in numbers," said Rep. Hilda Solis, who represents the 32nd Congressional District in the San Gabriel Valley. "I think people are starting to say, 'Wow, we do have that talent here. We do have the ability to get people elected."' The rise in Latino power in California has been surging since the early 1990s, Pachon and others say, but only in part because of the population growth. Historically, Latinos vote in numbers well below their share of the population, partly because many are either too young to vote, unregistered or foreign citizens. But as the Latino population increases in the state, so has voting participation. In 1992, Latinos accounted for about 8percent of Californians going to the polls; in 2006, the Latino vote hit 14percent, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. But Latinos also began mobilizing politically as a backlash against the 1990s administration of former Republican Gov. Pete Wilson and Proposition187. That Wilson-supported ballot measure -- which California voters approved in 1994 -- would have eliminated social benefits for undocumented immigrants. "Republicans were basically sent to Siberia," said Allan Hoffenblum, GOP strategist and co-editor of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan publication tracking state and federal races. In 1998, Cruz Bustamante's election as lieutenant governor marked the first time a Mexican- American had been elected to a statewide office since the 19th century. "A thoughtfulness has occurred in the California electorate," said Bustamante, who left office last year when he lost in the race for state insurance commissioner. "(Voters) are looking past the name; they are looking past the facade of the individual, what the person looks like.... "(Latinos) have learned how to become elected in areas that have extremely small Latino populations. ... You have to be mainstream. There is a Latino agenda. It's good schools, a decent job to take care of your family -- it's the same as everybody else's agenda." Today, Latino power has also changed in tone and tactics, experts say. As Villaraigosa's election in Los Angeles in 2005 showed, Latino power is less nationalistic and more often built around coalitions reflecting the diversity of California and a willingness to share the power. Part of it is acknowledging the reality of voting numbers that remain significantly below population numbers. Part of it is that for all the Latino gains in elected offices, the voting figures are still a drop in the bucket, experts say. "Here's a sobering statistic," Pachon said. "While Latinos hold just over 1,000 elective offices statewide, that's out of a total of almost 19,000 offices statewide. Latinos still hold only about 5percent of all the elective offices in California." Last week's special election in the Long Beach-South Los Angeles area to fill the 37th Congressional District seat left vacant by the death of Rep. Juanita Millender-McDonald reflected the Latino leadership's approach to affecting power in a diverse society. In a traditionally African-American district -- where the black registered-voter population has declined over the years to almost a fourth while Latinos now account for a fifth -- African- American Assemblywoman Laura Richardson won what was tantamount to election, defeating closest rival state Sen. Jenny Oropeza, D-Long Beach. Richardson had on her side Nuñez and all the political and fundraising clout of the Assembly speakership, as well as the endorsement of the powerful L.A. County Federation of Labor. It is the same message Villaraigosa drove home in his second mayoral election, when some criticized him for playing down ethnic politics at the expense of building a broader constituency. "We want to see more Latinos elected," Villaraigosa said in an interview during the campaign, "but they have to be people that want to represent everybody. They have to be people that want to identify the commonalities that we share. "So to the extent that they are bridge-builders, yes, we want to get people like that elected." </TEXT> </BODY> </DOC>这个词。 ”

PS：我有一个要在数组中匹配的单词。我必须在文件中写入偏移量。

我必须查找的文件示例如下：

.sgm

是否有任何最快的方法来获得抵消，因为我必须对数千个文件进行此类处理。

我正在尝试使用split（）和contains（）但是它非常麻烦的任务，我需要一些快速的方法来做它..

请帮助我..

此处显示的文件扩展名为{{1}}

Answer 1

如果您没有解析XML文件并且只想要给定单词的“偏移”，而不管文件的格式如何，并且您有足够的内存来将文件存储在字符串中，尝试使用Patterns：

Pattern findWordPattern = Pattern.compile("his");
Matcher matcher = findWordPattern.matcher(myWholeFileInAString);
while(matcher.find()) {
    int offsetStart = matcher.start();
    int offsetEnd = matcher.end();
    // do something with offsetStart and offsetEnd
}

java：从文件的开头查找文本文件中的字符的偏移量，偏移量是否为偏移量？

1 个答案: